Gun Control Essays (515 words) - Gun Politics, Firearms, Gun Control

Gun Control Since the days of the pioneers of the United States, firearms have been part of the American tradition as protection and a means of hunting or sport. As we near the end of the 20th century the use of guns has changed significantly. Because of fast and steady increase in crime and the fight for the right to own a hand gun, the introduction of legislation for gun control, to try to reduce the crime in the United States, has been a hotly debated issue in recent years. Although many people feel that gun control violates the right of the people, given in the second amendment "the right to bear arms", controlling distribution and sales and the registration of guns and gun owners is necessary because of the homicide rate involving guns and the violence by criminals using guns. Many people feel that gun control violates the right of the people given in the second amendment the right "to bear arms". Opponents of gun control, including the National Rifle Association, better known as the NRA, argue that the "right To bear arms" is guaranteed in the second amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America and licensing restrictions penalize law-abiding citizens while in no way preventing criminal use of handguns. It is also argued that by making it difficult for guns to be bought and registered for the American public there is a threat to the personal safety of American families everywhere. However controlling the sale and distribution of firearms is necessary because of the homicide rate involving guns. In 1988 there were 9000 handgun related murders in America. Metropolitan centers and some suburban communities of America are setting new records for homicides by handguns. Larger Metropolitan centers have ten times the murder rate of all Western Europe. For example in Washington,D.C. there was an estimated 400 homicides including guns. In addition gun control has been seen as necessary because of the violence by criminals using guns. Gun control is wrapped in a series of social issues such as crime and drugs. Guns have become closely linked to drugs and murder in the public mind. Drug dealing and high tech weaponry have escalated the warfare in cities between long established loosely knit gangs. Predominantly guns of crime are used by gang members. Many police officers are killed every year due to drug and gang related incidents involving guns. For example in 1988 on February 26 rookie New York City police officer Edward Byre was sitting alone in his police car guarding the house of a drug trial witness in South Jamaica, Queens where he was shot four times in the head and killed. In conclusion there are valid reasons for why certain people feel that gun control is unfair. People against gun control feel that it is a violation of the Constitution to control the sale and distribution and the registration of guns and gun owners. But it is necessary for there to be certain limits on the way that firearms are handled in this country because of the homicide rate involving guns and because of the violence created by criminals using guns. If gun control legislation were to go through there would be a significant decline in gun related crimes and fatalities. Gun Control Essays (515 words) - Gun Politics, Firearms, Gun Control Gun Control Since the days of the pioneers of the United States, firearms have been part of the American tradition as protection and a means of hunting or sport. As we near the end of the 20th century the use of guns has changed significantly. Because of fast and steady increase in crime and the fight for the right to own a hand gun, the introduction of legislation for gun control, to try to reduce the crime in the United States, has been a hotly debated issue in recent years. Although many people feel that gun control violates the right of the people, given in the second amendment "the right to bear arms", controlling distribution and sales and the registration of guns and gun owners is necessary because of the homicide rate involving guns and the violence by criminals using guns. Many people feel that gun control violates the right of the people given in the second amendment the right "to bear arms". Opponents of gun control, including the National Rifle Association, better known as the NRA, argue that the "right To bear arms" is guaranteed in the second amendment of the Constitution of the United States of America and licensing restrictions penalize law-abiding citizens while in no way preventing criminal use of handguns. It is also argued that by making it difficult for guns to be bought and registered for the American public there is a threat to the personal safety of American families everywhere. However controlling the sale and distribution of firearms is necessary because of the homicide rate involving guns. In 1988 there were 9000 handgun related murders in America. Metropolitan centers and some suburban communities of America are setting new records for homicides by handguns. Larger Metropolitan centers have ten times the murder rate of all Western Europe. For example in Washington,D.C. there was an estimated 400 homicides including guns. In addition gun control has been seen as necessary because of the violence by criminals using guns. Gun control is wrapped in a series of social issues such as crime and drugs. Guns have become closely linked to drugs and murder in the public mind. Drug dealing and high tech weaponry have escalated the warfare in cities between long established loosely knit gangs. Predominantly guns of crime are used by gang members. Many police officers are killed every year due to drug and gang related incidents involving guns. For example in 1988 on February 26 rookie New York City police officer Edward Byre was sitting alone in his police car guarding the house of a drug trial witness in South Jamaica, Queens where he was shot four times in the head and killed. In conclusion there are valid reasons for why certain people feel that gun control is unfair. People against gun control feel that it is a violation of the Constitution to control the sale and distribution and the registration of guns and gun owners. But it is necessary for there to be certain limits on the way that firearms are handled in this country because of the homicide rate involving guns and because of the violence created by criminals using guns. If gun control legislation were to go through there would be a significant decline in gun related crimes and fatalities.

Thieves World Review essays

Thieves World Review essays In Claire Sterling's Thieves' World, new light is shed on the current status of organized crime in the world today. The days of crime families battling it out in the streets is a thing of the past. The fall of communism in Soviet Russia and the tearing down of the Berlin Wall in Germany opened the doors to a land of endless wealth and opportunity that all the major crime syndicates have taken advantage of. Sterling suggests that the early 90's was the beginning of a convergence of all great crime syndicates. "The Sicilians, Russians, Chinese Triads, Japanese Yakusa, and many other smaller groups began moving toward an agreement to avoid conflict, devise common strategies, and work the planet peaceably together." This is referred to as a broader pax mafiosa. With this agreement now in place, the Italians and Colombians combined forces and moved in on the western half of the Europe and flooded it with supplies of cocaine. Since the Italians no longer had quite the stronghold in the United States that they used to have and because Europe was their home turf, it only made sense for them to supply the country with cocaine from the Colombians. This partnership between the two most importantly strengthened bonds between the two criminal giants and provided a greater opportunity to take advantage of the newly spawned opportunities in ex-communist Russia. With the downfall of communist Russia, the mafia only increased it's regular activities in the former U.S.S.R. This was especially true when it came to laundering dirty money. The money was used to buy Rubles and then reinvested into real estate and other ventures in Russia. Russian President Boris Yeltsin was even quoted as saying that, "nearly two-thirds of Russia's commercial structure has ties to the criminal world." At one time the mafia in Russia was considered to be the fastest growing crime organization on the planet, with more than five thousand different groups. "It's ...

World War II Timeline From 1939 to 1945

World War II Timeline From 1939 to 1945 World War II (WWII) was a long and bloody war that lasted about six years. Officially beginning on September 1, 1939, when Germany invaded Poland, World War II lasted until both the Germans and the Japanese had surrendered to the Allies in 1945. Here is a timeline of major events during the war. 1939 Sept. 1 may be the official start of World War II, but it didnt start in a vacuum. Europe and Asia had been tense for years prior to 1939 because of the rise of Adolf Hitler and the Third Reich in Germany, the Spanish Civil War, the Japanese invasion of China, the German annexation of Austria, and the imprisonment of thousands of Jews in concentration camps. After Germanys occupation of areas of Czechoslovakia not previously agreed to in the Munich Pact and its invasion of Poland, the rest of Europe realized it couldnt try to appease Germany any longer. The United States tried to remain neutral, and the Soviet Union invaded Finland. August 23: Germany and the Soviet Union sign the Nazi-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact.September 1: Germany invades Poland, starting World War II.September 3: Britain and France declare war on Germany.September: Battle of the Atlantic begins. London after an air raid during the London Blitz, 15th October 1940. Central Press/Getty Images​ 1940 The first full year of the war saw Germany invading its European neighbors: Belgium, the Netherlands, France, Denmark, Norway, Luxembourg, and Romania, and the bombing of Britain lasted for months. The Royal Air Force undertook nighttime raids in Germany in response. Germany, Italy, and Japan signed a joint military and economic agreement, and Italy invaded Egypt, which was controlled by the British, Albania, and Greece. The United States shifted to a stance of nonbelligerancy rather than neutrality so it could find ways to help the Allies, and the Lend-Lease Act (the exchange of materiel aid then for 99-year leases on property to be used for foreign military bases) was proposed late in the year. Popular opinion still didnt want Americans in another war over there. The Soviet Union, meanwhile, took part of Romania and installed Communists in the Baltic States, later annexing them. May: Auschwitz is established.May 10: Germany invades France, Belgium, and the Netherlands.May 26: Evacuation begins of Allied troops from Dunkirk, France.June 10: Italy declares war on France and Great Britain.June 22: France surrenders to Germany.July 10: Battle of Britain begins.September 16: The United States begins its first peacetime draft. German soldiers with Russian prisoners, Russia, 1941.   Print Collector/Getty Images 1941 The year 1941 was one of escalation  around the world. Italy may have been defeated in Greece, but that didnt mean that Germany wouldnt take the country. Then it was on to Yugoslavia and Russia. Germany broke its pact with the Soviet Union and invaded there, but the winter and Soviet counterattack killed many German troops. The Soviets next joined the Allies. Within a week of the Pearl Harbor attack, Japan had invaded Burma, Hong Kong (then under British control), and the Philippines, and the United States was officially in the conflict. March 11: U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt signs the Lend-Lease bill.May 24: The British ship Hood is sunk by Germanys Bismarck.May 27: The Bismarck is sunk.June 22: Germany invades the Soviet Union (Operation Barbarossa).August 9: Atlantic Conference begins.September 8: Siege of Leningrad begins.December 7: The Japanese launch a sneak attack on Pearl Harbor, Hawaii.December 11: Germany and Italy declare war on the United States; then the United States declares war on Germany and Italy. Aircraft Carrier Yorktown Being Hit by Japanese Bomber during Battle of Midway. Bettman/Getty Images   1942 U.S. troops first arrived in Britain in January 1942. Also that year, Japan captured Singapore, which was Britains last location in the Pacific, as well as islands such as Borneo and Sumatra. By the middle of the year, though, the Allies started gaining ground, with the Battle of Midway being the turning point there. Germany captured Libya, but the Allies started making gains in Africa, and Soviet counterattacks made progress as well in Stalingrad. January 20: The Wannsee ConferenceFebruary 19: Roosevelt issues Executive Order 9066, which allows the internment of Japanese Americans.April 18: The Doolittle Raid on JapanJune 3: The Battle of Midway begins.July 1: First Battle of El Alamein begins.July 6: Anne Frank and her family go into hiding.August 2: Guadalcanal Campaign begins.August 21: Battle of Stalingrad begins.October 23: Second Battle of El Alamein begins.November 8: The Allies invade North Africa (Operation Torch). German POWs in Stalingrad in 1943. Historical/Getty Images   1943 Stalingrad turned into Germanys first major defeat in 1943, and the North Africa stalemate ended, with the surrender of the Axis powers to the Allies in Tunisia. The tide was finally turning, though not fast enough for the people in the 27 merchant vessels sunk by Germany in the Atlantic in four days in March. But Bletchley codebreakers and long-range aircraft inflicted a serious toll on the U-boats, pretty much ending the Battle of the Atlantic. The autumn of the year saw the fall of Italy to Allied forces, prompting Germany to invade there. The Germans successfully rescued Mussolini, and battles in Italy between forces in the north and south drug on. In the Pacific, Allied forces gained territory in New Guinea- to attempt to protect Australia from Japanese invasion- as well as Guadalcanal. The Soviets continued expelling Germans from their territory, and the Battle of Kursk was key. The end of the year saw Winston Churchill and Josef Stalin meeting in Iran to discuss the invasion o f France. January 14: Casablanca Conference begins.February 2: The Germans surrender at Stalingrad, Soviet Union.April 19: The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising begins.July 5: Battle of Kursk begins.July 25: Mussolini resigns.September 3: Italy surrenders.November 28: Tehran Conference begins. 1944 American troops played a big role in battles to take back France in 1944, including landings on Normandy beaches that caught the Germans by surprise. Italy was finally liberated as well, and the Soviets counterattack pushed the German soldiers back to Warsaw, Poland. Germany lost 100,000 soldiers (captured) during the battle in Minsk. The Battle of the Bulge, however, postponed the Allies marching into Germany for a while. In the Pacific, Japan gained more territory in China, but its success was limited by the Communist troops there. The Allies fought back by taking Saipan and invading the Philippines. January 27: After 900 days, the Siege of Leningrad is finally over.June 6: D-DayJune 19: Battle of the Philippine SeaJuly 20: Assassination attempt against Hitler fails.August 4: Anne Frank and her family are discovered and arrested.August 25: The Allies liberate Paris.October 23: Battle of Leyte Gulf begins.December 16: Battle of the Bulge begins. ors Survivors of Auschwitz leaving the camp at the end of World War II, Poland, February 1945. Galerie Bilderwelt/Getty Images 1945 Liberation of concentration camps, such as Auschwitz, made the extent of the Holocaust clearer to the Allies. Bombs still fell on London and Germany in 1945, but before April was over, two of the Axis leaders would be dead and Germanys surrender would soon follow. Franklin D. Roosevelt also died in April but of natural causes. The war in the Pacific continued, but the Allies made significant progress there through battles at Iwo Jima, the Philippines, and Okinawa, and Japan started to retreat from China. By mid-August, it was all over. Japan surrendered shortly after the second atomic bomb was unleashed on the island nation and Sept. 2, the surrender was formally signed and accepted, officially ending the conflict. Estimates put 50 million dead around the world, including 20 million Russian civilians, and 6 million Jews, one-third of their worldwide population. February 4: Yalta Conference begins.February 13: Allies begin bombing Dresden.February 19: Battle of Iwo Jima begins.April 1: Battle of Okinawa.April 12: Franklin D. Roosevelt dies.April 16: Battle of Berlin begins.April 28: Mussolini is hanged by Italian partisans.April 30: Adolf Hitler commits suicide.May 7: Germany signs an unconditional surrender.July 17: Potsdam Conference begins.August 6: The United States drops the first atomic bomb on Hiroshima, Japan.August 9: The United States drops a second atomic bomb on Nagasaki, Japan.

The Big Black Bear †Comprehension Lesson Plan

The Big Black Bear – Comprehension Lesson Plan Free Online Research Papers The Big Black Bear Comprehension Lesson Plan â€Å"Run!† It wasn’t the word that alerted me, it was the sound of cold hard terror that accompanied it. My mind froze. What could possibly have scared the ever tough Sam so much as to inflict that slight tremor in his otherwise gruff voice? Whatever it was, it had to be bad. Clutching the tent peg in my sweaty right hand, I slowly stood. I felt it before my eyes even caught sight of it. My heart stopped. It was in my throat, I was sure. Darkness swirled around me. It threatened to eat me whole. What was happening? My senses slowly returned and when I regained my eyesight, I wished that I had not. For, standing there, before me, was the biggest most terrifying sight of my life. My gaze slowly traveled downward from the swirling grey sky. The clouds, full of rain, were trying to warn me of something. I was too frightened to take heed of the warning. My breath caught in my throat. There he was. The Big Black Bear. The snout glistened with moisture. The teeth, sharp and browned by the decades of eating raw flesh, were exposed in a sneer. The howl that rose from his mouth curdled my blood. His mighty claws, sharp from all those years of wondering the woods alone, curled like some hideous cockatoos beak. His mammoth form filled my vision and halted me in my tracks, as only those things we truly fear can. Should I run? Should I stand deathly still? That choice was taken from me, for, with a roar that no earthly creature should possess, he pounced. Suddenly my legs were like leaden weights. My feet were heavy, but I ran. I ran as fast as I could go. Where was Sam? Mighty Sam, slayer of the giants? My head was fuzzy, which way was the house? The sound of splashing drew my attention. Would it be a good idea to bring this rabid beast so close to my family? If it did get near, could Suzie outrun him? If anything happened to her on my watch, mum would kill me. Well, at least then I wouldn’t have to worry about this monster getting me. With a gruff shout, Sam saved me once again. â€Å"Look out!† The animal took off after him at breakneck speed. I hadn’t realized how close it had come to getting me. Its horrible mouth had been mere inches from my flesh. I’d have to try to help Sam, of course, after just one more breath. â€Å"Sam!† I shrieked trying to work out where he would have gone. Mum would kill me if anything happened to him, too. Aunty June would be livid. She was upset when he went home from holidays with us last time with sunburn. At last I saw him. He was standing, shivering, trying to stare the beast down. The fangs of the monster dripped with saliva. I could see it was almost literally licking its lips. Its eye glistened angrily, glaring their hunger at us. The target. The next meal. It reared up, ready to pounce. The tongue lolled dumbly in its head, ready to eat us. My legs froze. The expression on Sam’s face was a frozen mask of deathly fear. The big black bear lurched forward†¦ â€Å"BEAR!† It was another insistent screech. Mrs Toppernickel. â€Å"Bear, get into this house now!† The big black bear stopped. Its tongue hung limply out of the side of his mouth. Every summer it was the same. Sam and I would spend at least five out of six days of our holiday trying to get away from that beast. Even its sweet rottweiler head never helped us to like it. It wasn’t a normal dog. Mrs Toppernickel, she never looked after it properly, and she never believed us when we told her of its evil nature. â€Å"Oh, not Bear† she would claim, â€Å"He’s as gentle as a lamb!† Yeah, a lamb with rabies, I say! COMPREHENSION 1. Now that you have read the story, highlight all of the descriptive words and identify them as being either, an adverb or an adjective. 2. Try to answer the following questions. 1. What is the meaning of the following words: a) screech b) lurched c) mere d) limply e)gruff f) curdled g) pounced h) livid 2. What is the purpose of writing the Big Black Bear in capital letters? _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 3. What kind of person is Sam? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 4. What kind of person is Mrs Toppernickel? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 5. Why is the persona in the story scared of the Big Black Bear? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 6. What does the quote â€Å"mighty Sam, slayer of the giants† tell us about the way the persona feels about Sam? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 7. What do you think the person in the story was doing when the â€Å"monster† came near him? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 8. What physical description of the Big Black Bear helps to make the reader realize that the characters in the story should be scared? ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 9. What was happening to the protagonist when he said â€Å"darkness swirled around me..†? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 10. Why is the author talking about being â€Å"frozen† so often? ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Now that you have completed the comprehension, think about the title of the story. The Big Black Bear! The word ‘big’ is an adjective, a word that describes a noun. It is not a very interesting word though! Now, let’s try to find some other words to use instead of big and small. ACTIVIY: Choose an appropriate word from the box to fill in the space in each sentence. 1. To cast out over the reef into deep water, Dad needed a big __________fishing rod. 2. During the housing shortage, people were prepared to pay big ________ prices. 3. The visiting pop star stayed in a big _________ suite in the hotel. 4. It looked as if I had mumps, as my glands were big _________. 5. The pyramids are big ____________ tomb for ancient Egyptian royalty. 6. The opposing boxer stood there flexing his bib ____________ muscles. 7. Several people began whispering to each other during his big ___________ speech. 8. The rich stockbroker lived in a big _____________ house on the waterfront. 9. The man seen driving off in the stolen car was short and big ___________. 10. The dead bull had become big _____________ after lying two days in the paddock. ACTIVITY: Now that you have learned some more vocabulary words, use as many as you can by writing an alternate ending to the story. Try to keep to the scaffold of the narrative text type. 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________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Research Papers on The Big Black Bear - Comprehension Lesson PlanThe Hockey GameThe Spring and AutumnThe Masque of the Red Death Room meanings19 Century Society: A Deeply Divided EraCapital PunishmentComparison: Letter from Birmingham and CritoHarry Potter and the Deathly Hallows EssayWhere Wild and West MeetHonest Iagos Truth through DeceptionHip-Hop is Art

CJ-3 Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

CJ-3 - Coursework Example The main difference between general and specific deterrence is that, general deterrence focuses on the society while specific deterrence focuses on individuals. In particular, specific deterrence deals with actual offenders while general deterrence discourages would-be offenders from committing a crime. Thus, specific deterrence can be viewed as actual punishment while general deterrence remains a threat from punishment (Siegel, & Worrall, 2011). The impact of punishment on individual offenders diminishes as an offender becomes used to the punishment. Research studies shows that punishment has a diminishing specific deterrent effect. In particular, incapacitation of criminals through imprisonment does not eliminate criminals from the society. Unlike individual offenders, public offenders rely on collective action. Mob psychology theories suggest that, although crowds have extended ability to commit crime, individuals within the crowd are concerned about their own welfare. Thus, punis hment is more effective in general deterrence than in specific deterrence. Finally, specific deterrence cannot be applied on passion crimes or crimes committed under the influence of drugs and alcohol. This is because individuals who commit such crimes anticipate more than just the supposed economic or social

Internet plagiarism among college students Essay

Internet plagiarism among college students - Essay Example In this argument, the author asserts that students break this trust and prevent any possibility of being educated. The professor feedback will not allow the student to reflect on the assignment and identity new ways of improvement since the student does not own the work (Sadler 361). Fourth, Sadler asserts that plagiarism disadvantages other students especially in research papers. In this argument, the author asserts that the professor develops negative perceptions of the other students’ ability to deliver high quality work especially if the plagiarized work is of higher quality than the others. In addition, the professor may change the grading scale and will not be able to evaluate the effectiveness of his teaching strategies and instructions. Plagiarism is an injustice to the other students (Sadler 361). Fifth, the students who plagiarize do not benefit from the plagiarized materials or work since they have no opportunity of learning or engaging with the ideas. Much of the s tudent learning consists of preparing the assignments, thus students do not acquire any skills from presenting plagiarized work. In the sixth argument, plagiarism induces the student to laziness and low-self esteem that leading to habits of dishonesty and cowardice. The seventh argument why plagiarism is wrong is that it will make the student to believe that dishonesty is good in their later live (Sadler 262). This belief will curtail the ability to seek internal good through competition with others in order to secure self-interests. This behaviour will advance the notion that institutions such as universities do not promote social goods, but provide an avenue to attain private ends. In the eighth argument, plagiarism diminishes the purpose of university education since students do not acquire skills and knowledge that is essential in corporate world or public service (Sadler 362). In addition, this leads the public to suspect the value of higher education if graduates cannot demons trate skills and knowledge acquired after their higher education. The author asserts that plagiarism denies the student the opportunity to take a pride in his work through creativity and self-expression of knowledge acquired in class. It violates the academic integrity thus limiting the ability to engage in long-term scholarly commitment. Own academic work inspires humility and creates interest in further intellectual development. On the last argument, the author assert that students learn from interpersonal engagements thus this opportunity is limited if the students only provides the professors with pre-packaged goods (Sadler 362). The student will experience a limitation in self-expression and navigating concepts. One of the strengths of this article is that it provides the impact of plagiarism on both the student and professors. The article clearly outlines the purpose of university education and the negative impact of plagiarism on the life of the student (Sadler 362). However, Hunt Russell argues that the internet revolution provides reasons why students should be happy with internet plagiarism. In the first argument, Hunt notes that institutional rhetorical writing environment does not support internet plagiarism. Literary essays, research papers and term papers cannot be used to assess the skills and knowl

Paraphrasing Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 19

Paraphrasing - Essay Example The plastics are bad for marine life and when other specie eat some of the marine life that ate this plastics, it would make them sick. The cycle begun until it reaches the higher up of the food chain which us and pay the price for polluting our oceans. 3. After reading the textbook, I chose the topic that compared the two religions which are Judaism and Christianity. Judaism and Christianity share the belief that there is God and have the same origin. In terms of teaching and practicing, they show different ways. To illustrate this I quote the sentence from textbook that would contrast from Christianity, Judaism is focused more on life and practice than on belief. In light of the environment worldview, environmental stewardship is a part of its ethics. In Judaism, the idea of the Sabbath introduces the necessary restraint into stewardship. Before reading the textbook about both of religious, I just thought that these two religious were different but realized through their origin and characteristic that they are based on one God and that the same God created all things. 4. I like the idea because it will lead to protect our environment. Companies should look for new ideas that may help our environment and not just think about profit because it is their responsibility too to protect the environment. I would love to hear in the next few days that some companies make a new ideas to protect our environment. Finally, I would like to say my thanks McDonalds 5. In the first video which is presented by EPS Group LLC, it gave me an idea on how to recycle Styrofoam. I know that Styrofoam was really light and disposable packages and the video showed interesting methods on how to recycle Styrofoam as well as the weight of the final stage. The weight of 21 kg shocked me but they provided good information that their machines has several settings depending on region and climate. Actually, I think Styrofoam is not good for the environment in

Issues on Terrorism Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Issues on Terrorism - Essay Example The administration tried hard to get as much support from all countries all over the world againts terrorism, the same way that they were preventive to declare war, which if pursued, is expected to affect other muslim regions. Persons that are socially alienated, "drop outs" of the society, unemployed and those with less attainment in education are those who often join and become terrorists out their boredom, desires for adventure, with motivations to use special skills, such as production of bombs and high level interest in religious and political pursuit (Hudson, 1999, p 24-25). Note that, Al Queda existed as a network at the same time as a large organizational structure of salafist majahedin terrorist. On the basis of the ideals to defend muslim community, expectedly, Muslim men from all over the world may join the militant jihad, particularly those who have implanted within themselves hatred and oversees that the influence of western countries as well as their allies pose threat to their areas of jurisdiction Norton and Company, 2004). More than a propaganda, social bonds contribute to mujahedin recruitment. As reported by Professore Sageman from University of Pennsylvania, 70% of the recruited terrrorists have travelled abroad and were from outside their native land. Recruitment begins through social networking formed at the mosque. Individuals may also seek to join other local or other groups. The recruited candidates for Al Queda may be trained in the camps of Afghanistan and Pakistan. The recruitment is not based on the number of recruits but the quality of the newly recruited members. Additional new members of the group may be recruited from other jihad groups whose goal are limited only to their respective organization. Moreover, Al Queda has the chance to recruit experts hire services as well, intended for their planned mission or operation. Sources of Revenue The notable characteristics of the group's leaders are their ability to network and obtain funds. Some of them are able to finance, like Osama bin Ladin. Their associates who constitute also the committees, are the heads of the military, political, financial, security, foreign purchase and information. According to one study of the United Nations, Al Queda gave Jemaah Islamiah $ 130,000 for 1996-2001 and additional cost of $ 200,000 for the operations beginning 2000. Main sources of revenue are derived from illegal activities such as drug, counterfeiting, weapon, forgery, kidnapping, Issues on Terrorism 3 charitable donations, businesses and many more ( Aboul-Enein, 2003). In addition, Al Queda also have collaborative relationship with wealthy Zakat Sponsors, charity fronts, businesses and also money laundering banks (Brisard, 2002, p 7). Furthermore, example of a financial supporter of the group, is a charity founded by brother in law of Osama, International Relation and Information Center. It was confirmed by the US officials that ample finances of Al Queda and other organizations under its umbrella originate from loyal Baathists, charities,

Human Resources Organisational Change and Development Essay

Human Resources Organisational Change and Development - Essay Example This is a real case study of a merger between these two companies. Both the companies were multinationals having offices in various parts of the world. However, this case study refers to the change management problems encountered in Pakistan. The change process was first adopted in other countries and implemented as is in Pakistan after their success. During the year 2004, the Group Sanofi-Synthelabo and Aventis merged to create Sanofi-Aventis. Sanofi-Aventis operates within the Pharmaceutical preparations sector. The Group's principal activities are the research, production and distribution of pharmaceuticals. It has operations in more than one hundred countries worldwide on 5 continents. Consolidated sales of 25 billon euros and 4 billion euros Research & Development expenditure based on 2003 reported figures Sanofi and Aventis are both well known pharmaceutical companies. However, with time, their certain geographical operations centers have become non-productive and year after year are unable to deliver the same performance as it used to. There are various factors that made this merger necessary including: The management of both the companies i.e. ... Increase in price of labour, minimum wage laws THE REASON TO CHANGE Change Objective: - The basic objective was to successfully create the worlds third largest pharmaceutical group. INDUSTRY LEADERSHIP According to the last IMS report Sanofi-Aventis is the 3rd largest company worldwide and number one in Europe. The market share of 5.6% is also amongst the highest in the industry. Research and Development Expenses at Sanofi-Aventis are among the top 3 in the industry. Their growth rate of over 11.4% as reflected by IMS and market share of 4.6% is among the top in the industry. Their sale is approximately 3+ billion The management of both the companies i.e. Aventis and Sanofi realized that this would include a complete change management program to be devised keeping in mind the individual nature of the organizations internal cultures. This change management program had to be devised in such a way as to minimize dissatisfaction and job insecurity in the current human resource employed at both the companies. For this purpose, both the companies decided to opt for planned change. According to Stephen P. Robbins, "planned change, refers to change activities that are intentional and goal oriented" The planned change programs to be implemented at both the organizations were to encompass the following spheres: Changing structure, or in essence redesigning of organizational structure. The critical issue faced was duplication of human resources at similar parallel positions. For these cases the candidate with the better profile including education, technical expertise, years of experience and skills up gradation , would retain the old job designation, responsibilities, whereas the other candidate would be offered a

Trade Off Pecking Order Essay Example for Free

Trade Off Pecking Order Essay The trade-off theory is derived from the debate over the Modigliani-Miller theorem. Modigliani-Miller (1963) accounts for corporate income tax into their original theorem. This created a benefit for using debt as it shields taxable income. They argue that corporate tax allows for the deduction of interest payments in calculating taxable income. As a result, the use of debt will increase the firm’s after-tax cash flow. This means that profitable firms should use debt to shield their income from tax. This would imply that a firm would use 100% debt financing. However, Modigliani-Miller (1958) failed to take into account the agency costs and bankruptcy costs associated with debt. Using debt carries additional risk, which means that it is not optimal to finance using debt alone. One of the main costs of debt is the threat of financial distress. These costs occur when a company uses so much debt that it cannot meet its financial obligations. According to Warner (1977) and Barclay et al. (1995), financial distress has both direct and indirect costs. These direct costs include legal and administrative costs of liquidation. Indirect costs could include the loss of customers and suppliers. Based on previous analysis by Bradley et al. (1984), firms with volatile earnings are more likely to face the costs associated with financial distress. This is because the possibility of a firms earnings dropping below their debt obligations is higher, meaning that these firms have less leverage. This makes it unattractive for firms to have too much debt. The trade-off theory can be broken down into two parts. The first is known as the static trade-off theory. Frank and Goyal (2005) , defines a firm to follow this if : â€Å"A firm’s leverage is determined by a single period trade-off between the tax benefits of debt and the deadweight costs of bankruptcy.† The trade-off theory goes back to Kraus and Litzenberger (1973), which implies that a firm evaluates the various benefits and costs of different leverage plans. Financial managers often think of the firm’s debt-equity decision as the trade-off between the tax benefits of using debt and the cost of financial distress. The company should reach a decision so that marginal costs and benefits are balanced. This threshold of debt is generally called the optimal (target) level of capital structure and is defined by the trade-off between costs of debt and its benefits. More precisely, it will be at the point where the marginal benefits of each additional unit of debt equal to its marginal costs. The trade-off theory of capital structure recognises that target debt ratios of can vary from firm to firm. Companies with safe, tangible assets and a high amount of taxable income should favour high leverage ratios. Companies that have low profits and risky, intangible assets should prefer to rely primarily on equity financing. The second part of the trade-off theory is known as the target adjustment behaviour (Frank and Goyal 2005). This focuses on the deviations in from the target level of debt and this is gradually obtained over time. Under the static trade-off theory, financial managers look to obtain optimal capital structure. Random events can occur which will move the company away from it. As long as the optimal debt-equity ratio remains stable, then the firm should move gradually back and mean reverting behaviour can be observed. According to Myers (1984), a firm will set a target debt-equity ratio balancing the debt tax advantages against the costs of potential bankruptcy. If there were no costs associated with adjusting capital structure, then companies should always be at their target debt-equity ratio. In reality there are associated costs, which results in delays in adjusting to the optimum (adjustment costs). Random events may occur that will move firms away from their target capital structure. In practice, it should be possible to observe random differences in debt-equity ratios among firms with the same target debt levels. According to Myers (1984) and Flannery and Rangan (2006), the presence of adjustment costs may restrict the firms’ ability to revert back to their target capital structure immediately, suggesting the occurrence of partial adjustment toward the target level. The partial adjustment mechanism allows for the firms’ observed leverage ratio not always being equal to their target level. This mechanism suggests that firms make leverage adjustment if the costs of being away from the target leverage ratio are higher than those of moving toward the target; otherwise it is not rational for these firms to make leverage adjustments, because the adjustment costs will be large enough to cancel out the benefits of moving toward the target level. However, it assumes that adjustment towards the target occurs at symmetrical rates. No distinction is being made between the below target leverage ratio and the above-target leverage ratio, suggesting that the adjustment costs as well as the ben efits of increasing and reducing leverage are symmetrical.

Relationship between India and the USA

Relationship between India and the USA Abstract This piece of work tries to study the relations of one superpower and another emerging power in international order. The relations of India-US have passed through a roller -coaster character since 1950s. The study is about the Indo-US relations during post Cold-War period. It tries to present in- depth study of the relation between two states, with historical background, major events of the period, US involvement in South Asia/India, its stand on India-Pakistan disputes. It observes about the transition from ‘estranged democracies’ to a ‘strategic partnership’ of the relations. US interests in the region were for many years interpreted as philanthropic rather than commercial or strategic, and the US was closed ally with Pakistan. The study is trying to find out How the neglected country for almost 50 years got top priority and finally turned to be natural ally. The relations have passed through different stage from ‘neither friend nor enemy’, ‘distanced democracies ’, ‘engaged democracies’ and finally as ‘natural allies’ with nuclear partnership. This achievement and transformation is not happened overnight. To achieve these, both countries have passed through different states overtime. The thesis tries to find out some reason behind this quick development in the relations. The transformation happened during post Cold -War period. Behind these transformations some reason such as Indian practice of democratization, open market policy, huge development on economy and IT sector played vital role. Likewise, US goal in the region was fulfilled while making good relations with India. After analysing some major events and immediate reaction, the thesis tries to make an argument that, with other reasons side by side, the nuclear test of 1998 by India was the central theme that helped for the transformations of the relations.   Chapter 1 Introduction and literature review Topic introduction and Purpose of the study After the end of the Cold War, the United States is leading in the International Order, and it is experienced that- this time is American time, its hegemony and policy for liberal democracy, human rights or in any colour or form. So its relations with any other part of the world is itself interesting and important. On the other hand, India is the largest democracy in the world and emerging power in the International order. It is economically and strategically threat to the US, it is tiger in Asia in term of population, economy and nuclear capacity. The relation between the superpower and emerging power is obviously important to the students of International Relations/politics or common people as well. So it is hoped that this research makes some interesting and important line of arguments. â€Å"As the tiger economies of South-east Asia roared away in the 1970s and 1980s, Indias biggest achievements remained its ability to feed its own people, and its adherence against the odds to democracy. Unshackled by the economic liberalisation of the early 1990s, India is already poised to overtake Japan as the worlds third largest economy. The nuclear status of India has been formally acknowledged by the US And, when the UN is finally reformed, its likely to land a permanent seat on the Security Council† (BBC Online, 2009.) For over forty years, the United States has contended with the problem of formatting a coherent policy toward South Asia- a region that contains approximately one-fifth of the world’s population. During this time, US policy has surrounded between interventions and withdrawal.  Detailed analysis of how Washington determines its South Asian policy, especially with regard to the regions two major states: India and Pakistan. The nations of South Asia contain a fifth of the human race. They include one state (India) that is certainly the world’s largest democracy and one other (Pakistan) that has been an intermittent ally of the US since 1953. For over thirty-five years Washington’s policy has shifted uneasily from neglect of the region to intense involvement in its economic, political, and military affairs, seeing in the former certain ideological and moral values and in the latter certain strategic and military advantages. This research tries to fill a gap in understanding of the reasons for American involvement in and policy toward South Asia especially India. The literature on US foreign policy is dominated by relations with the Soviet Union and Western Europe. American relations with Africa, Southeast Asia, Latin America, and South Asia are relatively neglected and episodic in nature. This absence of interest is especially marked in the case of South Asia. Yet, American decisions have profoundly affected the lives of most South Asians, the societies of regional states, and their external policies. It has often been noted that this influence and the relationship is excessively one-sided: American decisions affect South Asians far more than South Asian decisions can ever affect Americans. The purpose of this study is to examine the sources and patters of American responses towards events in India over a period of time, through an examination of some case study. Giving some brief introduction and history of Indo-US security relation after 2nd World War, it talks in detail about the relation during Post Cold War period. After the end of the Cold War, every country around the world effected, but South Asian countries effected more than others. The US has no rival in world order, but India and Pakistan, two countries from the South Asia emerged as new nuclear power. India could not be the state as neglected before. Post Cold- War period saw dramatic changes in US-India relation. Research Focus/Research question The main thrust of this thesis is to present the Indo-US relations during Post Cold War period, to study main events of the period and to explore the reasons behind the transformation in relations. The thesis is focused on the periphery of Post Cold War leading to 9/11. In the short span of time in 1990s how the transformation was possible, how the neglected country for almost 50 years got top priority in American foreign policy, it tries to answer these questions. The thesis tries to make an argument that the nuclear test of 1998 was the central theme that helped for the transformation of the relation. The Indo-US convergence was abruptly interrupted by India’s May 1998 nuclear tests. President Clinton’s initial reaction was simultaneously emotional: ‘To think that you have to manifest your greatness by behaviour that recalls the very worst events of the 20th century on the edge of the 21st century when everybody else is trying to leave the nuclear age behind, is just wrong.’ Because of the fact that both India and Pakistan had been de facto nuclear weapon states, US concerned about the possibility of nuclear war in South Asia, but it was obviously a challenge in Western hegemony as well. Although the US imposed suspension of most military-military contacts, the nuclear tests started a high-level engagements between the US and India. Overtime, the Clinton Administration adapted itself to the reality that India’s great-power aspirations included becoming a full-fledged nuclear weapons state. India’s 1998 nuclear explosive test were a blessing in disguise for long-term Indo-US relations. Once the tests exploded the illusion, Washington and New Delhi could get on with the important task of relating to one another on a more equal footing. Methodology The study is based on academic writings such as books, journal and online resources. While using such material a great care has been taken in term of their credibility. The books studied for the research are written by academics mostly of Indian background in origin. Mostly they are educated in American Universities and working there in US Universities. Their academic background and research area is about American foreign policy, Asian studies, Asians security. Likewise the online resources have been used with great care such as produced by the academics and trustworthy organizations like Asia Foundations, governmental bodies and well -known research centres. Though writers are educated and being engaged in US academia, care have been taken while developing arguments from their writing, being India origin, emotional behave might affect on their writing about American or Indian perspective. The thesis also contains three major events which were supposed to play determinative role for the transformations of the relations. Likewise it also collects immediate reaction after the test. For reactions the samples have been collected in three groups. Structure of the thesis The thesis is composed of six chapters. Chapter one is the general introduction explaining the topic and subject matter, rationale, and methodology. This chapter also includes the literature review. The second chapter traces the history of Indo-US relations. It talks about the US engagement in Asia and India. It simply presents the history of the relation explaining some major events of the period. The third chapter is about the post Cold -War scenarios. It begins with how the US started tilting to India not Pakistan. The change in American policy to South Asia and India begin at this point of time. This chapter explains three major events of the period as case study: Kashmir Issue 1999, nuclear test 1998 and Clinton visit 2002. After this, in Chapter Four to know the immediate reaction after the test, it collects some thoughts expressed in news Medias and thoughts by think tanks especially in the US. How the think-tank and the governments reacted to the test and talked about the bilateral relations.   After analysing three major events and reactions of the governments, think tanks and views expressed on newspaper, Chapter Five, the main part of the thesis makes an argument that it was the nuclear test 1998, which helped to transform the relation. This chapter once again makes a revision of the relation since 1950s. Finally, the thesis contains the conclusion and bibliography. Literature Review: As mentioned above, literature on American foreign policy is easily accessible and available everywhere but regarding the US relations to the South Asian region; book and journals are not available enough as compared to other regions. The literature on US foreign policy is dominated by relations with the Soviet Union and Western Europe. For example, Ambrose S E. (1993) exclusively presents the history of American foreign policy since 1938. Ambrose gives detail survey of American Foreign Policy from the period America was secure in the world-neither of the great totalitarian political forces of the century, Fascism or Communism. The author presents the overview of the evolution of American foreign Policy focusing on major events like World War II, the Cuban missile crisis, Vietnam War, and the SALT treaties. It also talks about the individual Presidents and their changed attitudes to the different regions. Ambrose begins with the starting years of American Foreign Policy and its strength overtime up to Bush Policy and US engagements in Gulf war. Ambrose presents a chronological history of American Foreign Policy, but this book hardly discusses the development in South Asian region. The author is quite on US engagement in South Asia/India or US involvement in Indian/Pakistani War, Kargil issue As compared to Ambrose, Spanier J (1983) talks about the US and third world (author’s term) developments. Spanier presents an account of American foreign policy from the closing days of World War II to the beginning of the second Regan administration. The author presents interpretation of the roles of the Unites States on the world stage since it became a nuclear superpower. It also talks about the theoretical frameworks of American foreign policy like the American approach to foreign policy, the state system, the American national style, the contrast between systematic and national behaviour. Spainer clearly tries to explore the reason behind World War, its significance and detailed survey of impact of nuclear weapons on the pattern of American-Soviet relations. The author explains in detail about the role of 3rd world during the Cold War to conflict with-and-in-the Third World. Bertsch K. Gary et.al. (1999) collects twelve essays by US educated academics with background study in South Asian studies. Most of the authors are with Indian background, educated and engaged in US intuitions. The write-up reflects their long experiences with their work either academic or institution like US based South Asia Program, Institutes for Defence Studies. The author addresses the broad range of non-proliferation and foreign policy issues that affect Indo-American relations. It not only describes missile control and space cooperation, chemical and biological weapons, and the use of sanctions versus incentives, the individual authors with their expertise knowledge provide practical recommendations for how a stronger and more meaningful dialogue can be established between the policy makers of the world’s two largest democracies. Authors present about the history of Indo-US relations in different perspective like strategic, economic, political, technical aspects but its main focus is to talk about broad insight into India’s relations with the rest of the world in the shadow of India’s 1998 nuclear tests. Likewise Gangulyscobell (2006) present a series of perspectives about US-Indian strategic cooperation. The authors make an effort for the current status and future instructions of the relation. The identify the strategic context for and logic behind Indias emerging security cooperation with the US, the strategic context for and logic behind growing US security cooperation with India, growing bilateral cooperation in the US-led Global War on Terrorism. Likewise, it raises an important issue of the US assessment of Indias role in the anti-terror struggle, Indian assessment of the US worldwide anti-terror effort, Chinese view of the growing security ties between Washington and New Delhi. Likewise it identifies some military-to-military ties between the United States and India, one from the perspective of Washington, and the other from a New Delhi perspective. S. Ganguly et.al. (2006) traces the origins, development and the current state of Indo-US strategic cooperation. The authors access the strategic cooperation of the worlds two largest democracies. They entirely talk about the strategic relation of the two countries. The book provides an assessment of Indo-US relations with a particular focus on the evolution of contemporary bilateral relations, focuses on the current state of military-to-military cooperation. The authors highlight the development of Indo-US defence ties over the last few decades and examine its underlying causes. Likewise they addressees key areas of future strategic cooperation including high technology trade, participation in multilateral peacekeeping operations. S. Ganguly’ (1990) identifies the key issues of how Washington determines its South Asian policy, especially with regard to the region’s two major states: India and Pakistan. Using case studies the author bases his study on US policy in four major South Asian crises: the 1962 India-China War, the India-Pakistan conflicts of 1965 and 1971, and the massive draught of 1966-1967. Ganguly’s research not only talks about the American foreign policy during different presidents in office and major events but also it talks about the theoretical aspect of American foreign policy. It describes analytical perspective of US foreign policy, South Asia and US foreign policy, history of Indo-US relations and Indo-China War, 1965 War, The 1965-67 Crisis, the 1971 Indo-Pakistani war. The author provides the detailed explanation of the major events of the history between two states and mostly incidents are based on American perspective. As mentioned earlier since the region itself did not get priority, so the discussion about the region in world affairs was limited. Only after late 1990s and especially after the nuclear test, the literature on American policy to Asia and India seems growing. One of such discussion is J. Singh (1998). It provides both historical and contemporary analytical insights on a variety of subjects that impose upon a nuclear India. Singh checks out the nuclear reality as it exists today, at the national and international level. He begins with why nuclear weapons are required and what are they all about. It further examines the rationale for the possession of nuclear weapons, detailed history of the Indian nuclear policy formulation between 1964-1998, presents history to trace the origin of nuclear weapons. It also demonstrates about the paths of proliferation and non-proliferation over the last five decades. The author also looks at the increasing proliferation concerns in the Indian neighbourhood, lists out the major proliferation challenges that have emerged after the Cold War. Likewise, it further focuses specially on ballistic missiles and their implications for international security. Likewise it also presents a detailed study of both China and Pakistan’s nuclear weapons and missile programme, examines the traditional Indian position on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, impact of the nuclear test ban on the post-Cold War environment. It gives enough information about the nuclear weapons, their introduction, how they work and why they are required. It also presents the history of nuclear weapons, telling about the nuclear have countries when and how they conducted it. Jain, Rashmi (Ed.) 2006) presents the record of the transition of Indo-US relations from ‘estranged democracies’ to a ‘strategic partnership’ in the 21st century. It is the inclusive and current study of the political, economic/trade, military/defence and nuclear proportions of Indo-US relations from 1947 to 2006. Jain discusses the overall trends in relations between India and the United States during the Cold War and after. It deals with the implications of the American alliance with Pakistan, the extension of limited arms assistance to India following the India-China war of 1962 and support to the Tashkent and Simla agreements, Nixons tilt towards Pakistan during the Indo-Pak war of 1971, India’s nuclear test of 1947. The study contains a selection of 692 basic documents from official sources, including Congressional hearings, and provides the full texts or extracts from various agreements, joint communiquà ©s and statements and interviews by Government dignitaries. It is the collection of official documents related between the relations of two countries for about fifty years. It works as primary source for the researcher. Beside these books, Journal and other reports have been used while conducting the research. Journals like Foreign affairs, International Affairs, Strategic Affairs, and online edition of The Economist and news sites of BBC, CNN, The New York Times and Indian newspapers such as Hindu, the Times of India has been used. Likewise US congress report, governmental publications and the reports published by the Ministry of Indian External Affairs have been used. Chapter 2 Historical Background ‘South Asia and US Foreign Policy-US meets India’ This chapter briefs about the American Foreign Policy and US involvement in South Asia/India. It is an account of US-Indo relations after 1950s to late 1980s. It is not chronological history of the relation, but it includes major events and trends of the time. South Asia comprises a subsystem of powers with two major nations; India and Pakistan that are actually within South Asia and there others, China, the US and the USSR, that are extra-regional players in the region. South Asia also contains other states with minimal military and economical power; Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan. By virtue of their global status, the US and the USSR have been involved in South Asia until 1990s. South Asian Countries are often introduced by political instability, a relative diffusion of powers and slow economic development. These characteristics and weakness prompted the two superpowers to fill the apparent power vacuum and to change it in order to strengthen their respective global and regional policies (Ganguly S. 1999.) South Asia has been usually been regarded as only marginally important to the United States. In the major American security decisions regarding the stability of the international system, maintenance of nuclear balance or the problem of war and peace, South Asia was not considered a determining factor. Some reasons can be traced behind less priority of US to South Asia   First, it was not vital strategically; it did not offer any major resources essential to American industry. Second, the low level of economic and political interaction could not generate a positive image of South Asia in the American mind. In American perceptions, the area remained a preserve of British interests. Thus, US interests in the region were for many years interpreted as philanthropic rather than commercial or strategic (R.Arthur, 2006.) The central dilemma of US policy in South Asia since 1947 has been to deal with the competing claims of the two principal states of this region, India and Pakistan. In a sense, the constant dilemma of Americas South Asia Policy is a result of the regional contest between these two states.Of these two Sub continental states, if India was often a unimportant factor in US perception of the global strategic equation, Pakistan was an insignificant factor unless military aligned with the US. The initial US involvement in South Asia was barely influenced by the regional developments.  What did shape the US role was the shrinking British Empire and the rapid decline of the KMT regime in China. Succeeding US military links to South Asia (especially Pakistan), a subsidiary of its concern in relation to the Soviet Union, accidentally emphasized the level of hostility between India and Pakistan. US involvement not only annoyed India but also brought the Soviet Union and later China into the Subcontinent and made the region an arena of Cold war politics (Ganguly S, 1990.) In many ways, US involvement in India started during World War II, before this both officials and unofficial contacts with India were minimal. While the US maintained a few consular officers in India to look after commercial interests, it relied largely on British Foreign Office communications for information on the Indian political situation. The US really became involved in South Asia after its entry into World War II. British India served at that time as a spring –board for allied military operations against the Japanese in China and Southeast Asia. India’s relations with the Unites States have been described variously as ‘estranged democracies’ and distance powers by Americans. Indian have tended to describe it as ‘distanced democracies’, ‘engaged democracies’ and finally as ‘natural allies’. Another common refrain often articulated from India, describes the United States as the oldest and most powerful democracy and itself as the largest. The expectation from both sides appears to have been that ‘democracy’ will somehow transcend national interests and security imperatives and shape the relationship (B.Dipankar, 2006.) Relations between India and the US have varied widely over the last sixty-five years and adopted a roller-coaster character with many ups and downs and high and lows. In recent years India –US relations has transformed into what both sides claim to be a strategic partnership. Even as both countries move towards that desirable goal, it is useful to recall that divergences in perceptions and policies have varied widely over the years. At the end of the Second World War the Unites States emerged as the undisputed leader of the free world. Its lead in almost every area of consequence remains unchallenged for decades. All its possible peers were largely destroyed by the war and indeed needed Washington’s help to revive themselves. The United States did not just dominate the emerging world order, but had the opportunity to shape it by laying out its figures and establishing the international institutions that would determine its future. Within a few years of the War’s end, the Soviet Union and the Communist bloc emerged as the only group that could conceivably challenge this order, but only in a limited military sense. For India, the immediate concerns were different. It was to emerge from colonialism and external domination as an independent entity. It had first to fully assert its independence, in which it only got success partially as the nation itself was split into India and Pakistan addressing the region to internal conflict for decades. India’s identity and nationalism had to be developed an additional based on its own values and heritage and its territories needed to be consolidated. In addition to these concerns, a modern state had to be created almost from the beginning with all its associated institutions. (C. Raja Mohan 2003) To achieve these immediate goals, India needed a peaceful external environment, uncomplicated by the rivalries of the global power struggle. New Delhi needed to craft a policy that would provide it a meaningful and autonomous role in a future world, in keeping with its own size potential and aspiration. In accordance with these needs it choose a policy of ‘non-alignment’. The term itself was much misunderstood in the world, and particularly in the US. India, perhaps justifiably, never fully explained its position, leading many in the west to ask, ‘non-aligned against what; good and evil?’(R.Bahukutumbi, 1996.) What Nehru opined was a policy that would enable India to take independent positions on international issues without being tied down by alliances and ideological constraints. The central theme was not to get drawn in to military entanglements with major powers. He also hoped this would open up the possibility for India to adopt a position of some leadership of the emerging world. Many practical difficulties emerged, which hindered the implementations of this policy over the years. Over time, other countries also decided to remain ‘non-aligned’. On global issues, non-alignment often meant aligning against the west. Overall this policy prohibited the possibility of a military relationship with any country or grouping. This policy, and differences in world view, became a major barrier to an Indo-US military relationship throughout the Cold War (Ganguly S, 1990.) Indo-US diplomatic relations go back to the presidency of George Washington when Benjamin Joy was appointed to the position of US Consul in Calcutta, the then Indian Capital in 1792. Nothing of note happened until April 1941. When Girija Shakar Bajpai was appointed the first Agent General of India in Washington DC and Thomas Wilson shifted as US Commissioner from Calcutta to New Delhi. At that time President Roosevelt understood that a successful pursuit of the war against the Axis powers required India’s willing support and cooperation. Roosevelt’s support for Indian independence and concern about continuing British rule had left a favourable impression on Indians (Chari PR 1999.) Churchill’s refusal to contemplate a serious change in British imperial policy compelled the Indian National Congress to launch the Quit India movement in 1942. The Congress leaders believed that only an India that was promised freedom after the war could voluntarily join the war against fascism. Instead, the British responded by locking up most senior Congress political leaders. In spite of this, India’s participation in the Second World War was remarkable by any standards. Over two and a half million soldiers, each a volunteer, fought with Allied armies in many of the major threats of the global conflict. This contribution was particularly salient in the Burma front, without which the outcome would have been considerably less certain. In addition to the roughly half-million soldiers from India and the British Commonwealth in this theatre, the Allied forces were joined by troops representing the Nationalist Chinese, many Africans and, by the war’s end, some 250,000 US soldiers (Sigh 2005.) This enormous US troop contribution was easily its largest military-to-military relationship in South Asia. US forces provided the bulk of logistics support, flew substantial numbers of air sorties across uncharted routes in unstable aircraft, and ensured that the Kuomintang forces remained in the war against Japan in China. In addition, there was also the enormous Brooklyn air conditioning plant near Kolkata, the largest in Asia at the time that stored and supplied food to all Allied forces in the East (Banerjee, D 2000.) It might have been expected that this state relations would continue after Indian independence. Instead, the Cold war intervened. India was partitioned and a separate state, Pakistan came into existence in 1947. During the Cold War, the pressure of strategic imperatives often widened the disjuncture between the hope and the reality resulting in hurtful Indo-US relations. The US support to Pakistan on the Jammu and Kashmir dispute in the United Nations in 1948-49, and initiation of military support to Pakistan in 1954, shed a binding shadow on the relationship. The United States wanted to join as many states as possible in its war against communism, often in a formal strategic relationship. India viewed the logic of American alliances as directly breaking its own interests. India was convinced that American military support had encouraged Pakistan to wage war against it in 1965. This happened again during Indo-Pak war in 1971, when the US gave warnings to India and sent the USS Enterprise of its 7th Fleet into the Bay of Bengal. The United States perceived India’s policy of non-alignment as self-righteous and considered its neutrality far from neutral, citing examples of its silence over the Soviet invasion of Hungary and Czechosloskavia in 1968 (Dasgupta 2002.) In mid 1961 India agreed to buy the MiG-21 aircraft from the Soviet Union. This was offered on such munificent terms that neither Great Britain, nor France nor the US could come up with a comparable offer even if they wanted to match it. Thus, began a long and enduring Indo-Soviet arms relationship (Ganguly S, 1990.) The very strong Indian reaction to the evolving Pakistan-US military alliance was perhaps not anticipated in Washington. In any case, by now India’s image in the US had plunged and New Delhi‘s concerns were not a factor in US decision making. Indo-US relations remained frozen in a sate of suspended hostility until 1962. The Chinese aggression on India in Oct-Nov 1962 led to a remarkable turn around in Indo-US relations. The attack from Chinese side surprised and shocked the Indian leaders. A total of two Indian infantry divisions, or less than ten percent of the Indian combat force, faced a thoroughly prepared PLA. The Indian forces were totally unprepared, badly deployed, under-equipped and even without proper clothes. The defeat was total in terms of India’s political standing and its foreign policy. What is notable was the dramatic shift in Indian policy and the liberal military and political support that India received from the US and the West. None of India’s non-aligned partners provided help and few showed any sympathy. Moscow actually temporarily halted the MiG program, siding instead with its socialist friend.  In contrast, the US came through with substantial help. A considerably larger arms package of US $ 373 million was apparently worked out by November 1963 in Washington by Ambassador Chester Bowles and was to have been signed by President Kennedy on 26th of November, 1963. Kennedy said; We should defend India, and therefore Relationship between India and the USA Relationship between India and the USA Abstract This piece of work tries to study the relations of one superpower and another emerging power in international order. The relations of India-US have passed through a roller -coaster character since 1950s. The study is about the Indo-US relations during post Cold-War period. It tries to present in- depth study of the relation between two states, with historical background, major events of the period, US involvement in South Asia/India, its stand on India-Pakistan disputes. It observes about the transition from ‘estranged democracies’ to a ‘strategic partnership’ of the relations. US interests in the region were for many years interpreted as philanthropic rather than commercial or strategic, and the US was closed ally with Pakistan. The study is trying to find out How the neglected country for almost 50 years got top priority and finally turned to be natural ally. The relations have passed through different stage from ‘neither friend nor enemy’, ‘distanced democracies ’, ‘engaged democracies’ and finally as ‘natural allies’ with nuclear partnership. This achievement and transformation is not happened overnight. To achieve these, both countries have passed through different states overtime. The thesis tries to find out some reason behind this quick development in the relations. The transformation happened during post Cold -War period. Behind these transformations some reason such as Indian practice of democratization, open market policy, huge development on economy and IT sector played vital role. Likewise, US goal in the region was fulfilled while making good relations with India. After analysing some major events and immediate reaction, the thesis tries to make an argument that, with other reasons side by side, the nuclear test of 1998 by India was the central theme that helped for the transformations of the relations.   Chapter 1 Introduction and literature review Topic introduction and Purpose of the study After the end of the Cold War, the United States is leading in the International Order, and it is experienced that- this time is American time, its hegemony and policy for liberal democracy, human rights or in any colour or form. So its relations with any other part of the world is itself interesting and important. On the other hand, India is the largest democracy in the world and emerging power in the International order. It is economically and strategically threat to the US, it is tiger in Asia in term of population, economy and nuclear capacity. The relation between the superpower and emerging power is obviously important to the students of International Relations/politics or common people as well. So it is hoped that this research makes some interesting and important line of arguments. â€Å"As the tiger economies of South-east Asia roared away in the 1970s and 1980s, Indias biggest achievements remained its ability to feed its own people, and its adherence against the odds to democracy. Unshackled by the economic liberalisation of the early 1990s, India is already poised to overtake Japan as the worlds third largest economy. The nuclear status of India has been formally acknowledged by the US And, when the UN is finally reformed, its likely to land a permanent seat on the Security Council† (BBC Online, 2009.) For over forty years, the United States has contended with the problem of formatting a coherent policy toward South Asia- a region that contains approximately one-fifth of the world’s population. During this time, US policy has surrounded between interventions and withdrawal.  Detailed analysis of how Washington determines its South Asian policy, especially with regard to the regions two major states: India and Pakistan. The nations of South Asia contain a fifth of the human race. They include one state (India) that is certainly the world’s largest democracy and one other (Pakistan) that has been an intermittent ally of the US since 1953. For over thirty-five years Washington’s policy has shifted uneasily from neglect of the region to intense involvement in its economic, political, and military affairs, seeing in the former certain ideological and moral values and in the latter certain strategic and military advantages. This research tries to fill a gap in understanding of the reasons for American involvement in and policy toward South Asia especially India. The literature on US foreign policy is dominated by relations with the Soviet Union and Western Europe. American relations with Africa, Southeast Asia, Latin America, and South Asia are relatively neglected and episodic in nature. This absence of interest is especially marked in the case of South Asia. Yet, American decisions have profoundly affected the lives of most South Asians, the societies of regional states, and their external policies. It has often been noted that this influence and the relationship is excessively one-sided: American decisions affect South Asians far more than South Asian decisions can ever affect Americans. The purpose of this study is to examine the sources and patters of American responses towards events in India over a period of time, through an examination of some case study. Giving some brief introduction and history of Indo-US security relation after 2nd World War, it talks in detail about the relation during Post Cold War period. After the end of the Cold War, every country around the world effected, but South Asian countries effected more than others. The US has no rival in world order, but India and Pakistan, two countries from the South Asia emerged as new nuclear power. India could not be the state as neglected before. Post Cold- War period saw dramatic changes in US-India relation. Research Focus/Research question The main thrust of this thesis is to present the Indo-US relations during Post Cold War period, to study main events of the period and to explore the reasons behind the transformation in relations. The thesis is focused on the periphery of Post Cold War leading to 9/11. In the short span of time in 1990s how the transformation was possible, how the neglected country for almost 50 years got top priority in American foreign policy, it tries to answer these questions. The thesis tries to make an argument that the nuclear test of 1998 was the central theme that helped for the transformation of the relation. The Indo-US convergence was abruptly interrupted by India’s May 1998 nuclear tests. President Clinton’s initial reaction was simultaneously emotional: ‘To think that you have to manifest your greatness by behaviour that recalls the very worst events of the 20th century on the edge of the 21st century when everybody else is trying to leave the nuclear age behind, is just wrong.’ Because of the fact that both India and Pakistan had been de facto nuclear weapon states, US concerned about the possibility of nuclear war in South Asia, but it was obviously a challenge in Western hegemony as well. Although the US imposed suspension of most military-military contacts, the nuclear tests started a high-level engagements between the US and India. Overtime, the Clinton Administration adapted itself to the reality that India’s great-power aspirations included becoming a full-fledged nuclear weapons state. India’s 1998 nuclear explosive test were a blessing in disguise for long-term Indo-US relations. Once the tests exploded the illusion, Washington and New Delhi could get on with the important task of relating to one another on a more equal footing. Methodology The study is based on academic writings such as books, journal and online resources. While using such material a great care has been taken in term of their credibility. The books studied for the research are written by academics mostly of Indian background in origin. Mostly they are educated in American Universities and working there in US Universities. Their academic background and research area is about American foreign policy, Asian studies, Asians security. Likewise the online resources have been used with great care such as produced by the academics and trustworthy organizations like Asia Foundations, governmental bodies and well -known research centres. Though writers are educated and being engaged in US academia, care have been taken while developing arguments from their writing, being India origin, emotional behave might affect on their writing about American or Indian perspective. The thesis also contains three major events which were supposed to play determinative role for the transformations of the relations. Likewise it also collects immediate reaction after the test. For reactions the samples have been collected in three groups. Structure of the thesis The thesis is composed of six chapters. Chapter one is the general introduction explaining the topic and subject matter, rationale, and methodology. This chapter also includes the literature review. The second chapter traces the history of Indo-US relations. It talks about the US engagement in Asia and India. It simply presents the history of the relation explaining some major events of the period. The third chapter is about the post Cold -War scenarios. It begins with how the US started tilting to India not Pakistan. The change in American policy to South Asia and India begin at this point of time. This chapter explains three major events of the period as case study: Kashmir Issue 1999, nuclear test 1998 and Clinton visit 2002. After this, in Chapter Four to know the immediate reaction after the test, it collects some thoughts expressed in news Medias and thoughts by think tanks especially in the US. How the think-tank and the governments reacted to the test and talked about the bilateral relations.   After analysing three major events and reactions of the governments, think tanks and views expressed on newspaper, Chapter Five, the main part of the thesis makes an argument that it was the nuclear test 1998, which helped to transform the relation. This chapter once again makes a revision of the relation since 1950s. Finally, the thesis contains the conclusion and bibliography. Literature Review: As mentioned above, literature on American foreign policy is easily accessible and available everywhere but regarding the US relations to the South Asian region; book and journals are not available enough as compared to other regions. The literature on US foreign policy is dominated by relations with the Soviet Union and Western Europe. For example, Ambrose S E. (1993) exclusively presents the history of American foreign policy since 1938. Ambrose gives detail survey of American Foreign Policy from the period America was secure in the world-neither of the great totalitarian political forces of the century, Fascism or Communism. The author presents the overview of the evolution of American foreign Policy focusing on major events like World War II, the Cuban missile crisis, Vietnam War, and the SALT treaties. It also talks about the individual Presidents and their changed attitudes to the different regions. Ambrose begins with the starting years of American Foreign Policy and its strength overtime up to Bush Policy and US engagements in Gulf war. Ambrose presents a chronological history of American Foreign Policy, but this book hardly discusses the development in South Asian region. The author is quite on US engagement in South Asia/India or US involvement in Indian/Pakistani War, Kargil issue As compared to Ambrose, Spanier J (1983) talks about the US and third world (author’s term) developments. Spanier presents an account of American foreign policy from the closing days of World War II to the beginning of the second Regan administration. The author presents interpretation of the roles of the Unites States on the world stage since it became a nuclear superpower. It also talks about the theoretical frameworks of American foreign policy like the American approach to foreign policy, the state system, the American national style, the contrast between systematic and national behaviour. Spainer clearly tries to explore the reason behind World War, its significance and detailed survey of impact of nuclear weapons on the pattern of American-Soviet relations. The author explains in detail about the role of 3rd world during the Cold War to conflict with-and-in-the Third World. Bertsch K. Gary et.al. (1999) collects twelve essays by US educated academics with background study in South Asian studies. Most of the authors are with Indian background, educated and engaged in US intuitions. The write-up reflects their long experiences with their work either academic or institution like US based South Asia Program, Institutes for Defence Studies. The author addresses the broad range of non-proliferation and foreign policy issues that affect Indo-American relations. It not only describes missile control and space cooperation, chemical and biological weapons, and the use of sanctions versus incentives, the individual authors with their expertise knowledge provide practical recommendations for how a stronger and more meaningful dialogue can be established between the policy makers of the world’s two largest democracies. Authors present about the history of Indo-US relations in different perspective like strategic, economic, political, technical aspects but its main focus is to talk about broad insight into India’s relations with the rest of the world in the shadow of India’s 1998 nuclear tests. Likewise Gangulyscobell (2006) present a series of perspectives about US-Indian strategic cooperation. The authors make an effort for the current status and future instructions of the relation. The identify the strategic context for and logic behind Indias emerging security cooperation with the US, the strategic context for and logic behind growing US security cooperation with India, growing bilateral cooperation in the US-led Global War on Terrorism. Likewise, it raises an important issue of the US assessment of Indias role in the anti-terror struggle, Indian assessment of the US worldwide anti-terror effort, Chinese view of the growing security ties between Washington and New Delhi. Likewise it identifies some military-to-military ties between the United States and India, one from the perspective of Washington, and the other from a New Delhi perspective. S. Ganguly et.al. (2006) traces the origins, development and the current state of Indo-US strategic cooperation. The authors access the strategic cooperation of the worlds two largest democracies. They entirely talk about the strategic relation of the two countries. The book provides an assessment of Indo-US relations with a particular focus on the evolution of contemporary bilateral relations, focuses on the current state of military-to-military cooperation. The authors highlight the development of Indo-US defence ties over the last few decades and examine its underlying causes. Likewise they addressees key areas of future strategic cooperation including high technology trade, participation in multilateral peacekeeping operations. S. Ganguly’ (1990) identifies the key issues of how Washington determines its South Asian policy, especially with regard to the region’s two major states: India and Pakistan. Using case studies the author bases his study on US policy in four major South Asian crises: the 1962 India-China War, the India-Pakistan conflicts of 1965 and 1971, and the massive draught of 1966-1967. Ganguly’s research not only talks about the American foreign policy during different presidents in office and major events but also it talks about the theoretical aspect of American foreign policy. It describes analytical perspective of US foreign policy, South Asia and US foreign policy, history of Indo-US relations and Indo-China War, 1965 War, The 1965-67 Crisis, the 1971 Indo-Pakistani war. The author provides the detailed explanation of the major events of the history between two states and mostly incidents are based on American perspective. As mentioned earlier since the region itself did not get priority, so the discussion about the region in world affairs was limited. Only after late 1990s and especially after the nuclear test, the literature on American policy to Asia and India seems growing. One of such discussion is J. Singh (1998). It provides both historical and contemporary analytical insights on a variety of subjects that impose upon a nuclear India. Singh checks out the nuclear reality as it exists today, at the national and international level. He begins with why nuclear weapons are required and what are they all about. It further examines the rationale for the possession of nuclear weapons, detailed history of the Indian nuclear policy formulation between 1964-1998, presents history to trace the origin of nuclear weapons. It also demonstrates about the paths of proliferation and non-proliferation over the last five decades. The author also looks at the increasing proliferation concerns in the Indian neighbourhood, lists out the major proliferation challenges that have emerged after the Cold War. Likewise, it further focuses specially on ballistic missiles and their implications for international security. Likewise it also presents a detailed study of both China and Pakistan’s nuclear weapons and missile programme, examines the traditional Indian position on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, impact of the nuclear test ban on the post-Cold War environment. It gives enough information about the nuclear weapons, their introduction, how they work and why they are required. It also presents the history of nuclear weapons, telling about the nuclear have countries when and how they conducted it. Jain, Rashmi (Ed.) 2006) presents the record of the transition of Indo-US relations from ‘estranged democracies’ to a ‘strategic partnership’ in the 21st century. It is the inclusive and current study of the political, economic/trade, military/defence and nuclear proportions of Indo-US relations from 1947 to 2006. Jain discusses the overall trends in relations between India and the United States during the Cold War and after. It deals with the implications of the American alliance with Pakistan, the extension of limited arms assistance to India following the India-China war of 1962 and support to the Tashkent and Simla agreements, Nixons tilt towards Pakistan during the Indo-Pak war of 1971, India’s nuclear test of 1947. The study contains a selection of 692 basic documents from official sources, including Congressional hearings, and provides the full texts or extracts from various agreements, joint communiquà ©s and statements and interviews by Government dignitaries. It is the collection of official documents related between the relations of two countries for about fifty years. It works as primary source for the researcher. Beside these books, Journal and other reports have been used while conducting the research. Journals like Foreign affairs, International Affairs, Strategic Affairs, and online edition of The Economist and news sites of BBC, CNN, The New York Times and Indian newspapers such as Hindu, the Times of India has been used. Likewise US congress report, governmental publications and the reports published by the Ministry of Indian External Affairs have been used. Chapter 2 Historical Background ‘South Asia and US Foreign Policy-US meets India’ This chapter briefs about the American Foreign Policy and US involvement in South Asia/India. It is an account of US-Indo relations after 1950s to late 1980s. It is not chronological history of the relation, but it includes major events and trends of the time. South Asia comprises a subsystem of powers with two major nations; India and Pakistan that are actually within South Asia and there others, China, the US and the USSR, that are extra-regional players in the region. South Asia also contains other states with minimal military and economical power; Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Afghanistan. By virtue of their global status, the US and the USSR have been involved in South Asia until 1990s. South Asian Countries are often introduced by political instability, a relative diffusion of powers and slow economic development. These characteristics and weakness prompted the two superpowers to fill the apparent power vacuum and to change it in order to strengthen their respective global and regional policies (Ganguly S. 1999.) South Asia has been usually been regarded as only marginally important to the United States. In the major American security decisions regarding the stability of the international system, maintenance of nuclear balance or the problem of war and peace, South Asia was not considered a determining factor. Some reasons can be traced behind less priority of US to South Asia   First, it was not vital strategically; it did not offer any major resources essential to American industry. Second, the low level of economic and political interaction could not generate a positive image of South Asia in the American mind. In American perceptions, the area remained a preserve of British interests. Thus, US interests in the region were for many years interpreted as philanthropic rather than commercial or strategic (R.Arthur, 2006.) The central dilemma of US policy in South Asia since 1947 has been to deal with the competing claims of the two principal states of this region, India and Pakistan. In a sense, the constant dilemma of Americas South Asia Policy is a result of the regional contest between these two states.Of these two Sub continental states, if India was often a unimportant factor in US perception of the global strategic equation, Pakistan was an insignificant factor unless military aligned with the US. The initial US involvement in South Asia was barely influenced by the regional developments.  What did shape the US role was the shrinking British Empire and the rapid decline of the KMT regime in China. Succeeding US military links to South Asia (especially Pakistan), a subsidiary of its concern in relation to the Soviet Union, accidentally emphasized the level of hostility between India and Pakistan. US involvement not only annoyed India but also brought the Soviet Union and later China into the Subcontinent and made the region an arena of Cold war politics (Ganguly S, 1990.) In many ways, US involvement in India started during World War II, before this both officials and unofficial contacts with India were minimal. While the US maintained a few consular officers in India to look after commercial interests, it relied largely on British Foreign Office communications for information on the Indian political situation. The US really became involved in South Asia after its entry into World War II. British India served at that time as a spring –board for allied military operations against the Japanese in China and Southeast Asia. India’s relations with the Unites States have been described variously as ‘estranged democracies’ and distance powers by Americans. Indian have tended to describe it as ‘distanced democracies’, ‘engaged democracies’ and finally as ‘natural allies’. Another common refrain often articulated from India, describes the United States as the oldest and most powerful democracy and itself as the largest. The expectation from both sides appears to have been that ‘democracy’ will somehow transcend national interests and security imperatives and shape the relationship (B.Dipankar, 2006.) Relations between India and the US have varied widely over the last sixty-five years and adopted a roller-coaster character with many ups and downs and high and lows. In recent years India –US relations has transformed into what both sides claim to be a strategic partnership. Even as both countries move towards that desirable goal, it is useful to recall that divergences in perceptions and policies have varied widely over the years. At the end of the Second World War the Unites States emerged as the undisputed leader of the free world. Its lead in almost every area of consequence remains unchallenged for decades. All its possible peers were largely destroyed by the war and indeed needed Washington’s help to revive themselves. The United States did not just dominate the emerging world order, but had the opportunity to shape it by laying out its figures and establishing the international institutions that would determine its future. Within a few years of the War’s end, the Soviet Union and the Communist bloc emerged as the only group that could conceivably challenge this order, but only in a limited military sense. For India, the immediate concerns were different. It was to emerge from colonialism and external domination as an independent entity. It had first to fully assert its independence, in which it only got success partially as the nation itself was split into India and Pakistan addressing the region to internal conflict for decades. India’s identity and nationalism had to be developed an additional based on its own values and heritage and its territories needed to be consolidated. In addition to these concerns, a modern state had to be created almost from the beginning with all its associated institutions. (C. Raja Mohan 2003) To achieve these immediate goals, India needed a peaceful external environment, uncomplicated by the rivalries of the global power struggle. New Delhi needed to craft a policy that would provide it a meaningful and autonomous role in a future world, in keeping with its own size potential and aspiration. In accordance with these needs it choose a policy of ‘non-alignment’. The term itself was much misunderstood in the world, and particularly in the US. India, perhaps justifiably, never fully explained its position, leading many in the west to ask, ‘non-aligned against what; good and evil?’(R.Bahukutumbi, 1996.) What Nehru opined was a policy that would enable India to take independent positions on international issues without being tied down by alliances and ideological constraints. The central theme was not to get drawn in to military entanglements with major powers. He also hoped this would open up the possibility for India to adopt a position of some leadership of the emerging world. Many practical difficulties emerged, which hindered the implementations of this policy over the years. Over time, other countries also decided to remain ‘non-aligned’. On global issues, non-alignment often meant aligning against the west. Overall this policy prohibited the possibility of a military relationship with any country or grouping. This policy, and differences in world view, became a major barrier to an Indo-US military relationship throughout the Cold War (Ganguly S, 1990.) Indo-US diplomatic relations go back to the presidency of George Washington when Benjamin Joy was appointed to the position of US Consul in Calcutta, the then Indian Capital in 1792. Nothing of note happened until April 1941. When Girija Shakar Bajpai was appointed the first Agent General of India in Washington DC and Thomas Wilson shifted as US Commissioner from Calcutta to New Delhi. At that time President Roosevelt understood that a successful pursuit of the war against the Axis powers required India’s willing support and cooperation. Roosevelt’s support for Indian independence and concern about continuing British rule had left a favourable impression on Indians (Chari PR 1999.) Churchill’s refusal to contemplate a serious change in British imperial policy compelled the Indian National Congress to launch the Quit India movement in 1942. The Congress leaders believed that only an India that was promised freedom after the war could voluntarily join the war against fascism. Instead, the British responded by locking up most senior Congress political leaders. In spite of this, India’s participation in the Second World War was remarkable by any standards. Over two and a half million soldiers, each a volunteer, fought with Allied armies in many of the major threats of the global conflict. This contribution was particularly salient in the Burma front, without which the outcome would have been considerably less certain. In addition to the roughly half-million soldiers from India and the British Commonwealth in this theatre, the Allied forces were joined by troops representing the Nationalist Chinese, many Africans and, by the war’s end, some 250,000 US soldiers (Sigh 2005.) This enormous US troop contribution was easily its largest military-to-military relationship in South Asia. US forces provided the bulk of logistics support, flew substantial numbers of air sorties across uncharted routes in unstable aircraft, and ensured that the Kuomintang forces remained in the war against Japan in China. In addition, there was also the enormous Brooklyn air conditioning plant near Kolkata, the largest in Asia at the time that stored and supplied food to all Allied forces in the East (Banerjee, D 2000.) It might have been expected that this state relations would continue after Indian independence. Instead, the Cold war intervened. India was partitioned and a separate state, Pakistan came into existence in 1947. During the Cold War, the pressure of strategic imperatives often widened the disjuncture between the hope and the reality resulting in hurtful Indo-US relations. The US support to Pakistan on the Jammu and Kashmir dispute in the United Nations in 1948-49, and initiation of military support to Pakistan in 1954, shed a binding shadow on the relationship. The United States wanted to join as many states as possible in its war against communism, often in a formal strategic relationship. India viewed the logic of American alliances as directly breaking its own interests. India was convinced that American military support had encouraged Pakistan to wage war against it in 1965. This happened again during Indo-Pak war in 1971, when the US gave warnings to India and sent the USS Enterprise of its 7th Fleet into the Bay of Bengal. The United States perceived India’s policy of non-alignment as self-righteous and considered its neutrality far from neutral, citing examples of its silence over the Soviet invasion of Hungary and Czechosloskavia in 1968 (Dasgupta 2002.) In mid 1961 India agreed to buy the MiG-21 aircraft from the Soviet Union. This was offered on such munificent terms that neither Great Britain, nor France nor the US could come up with a comparable offer even if they wanted to match it. Thus, began a long and enduring Indo-Soviet arms relationship (Ganguly S, 1990.) The very strong Indian reaction to the evolving Pakistan-US military alliance was perhaps not anticipated in Washington. In any case, by now India’s image in the US had plunged and New Delhi‘s concerns were not a factor in US decision making. Indo-US relations remained frozen in a sate of suspended hostility until 1962. The Chinese aggression on India in Oct-Nov 1962 led to a remarkable turn around in Indo-US relations. The attack from Chinese side surprised and shocked the Indian leaders. A total of two Indian infantry divisions, or less than ten percent of the Indian combat force, faced a thoroughly prepared PLA. The Indian forces were totally unprepared, badly deployed, under-equipped and even without proper clothes. The defeat was total in terms of India’s political standing and its foreign policy. What is notable was the dramatic shift in Indian policy and the liberal military and political support that India received from the US and the West. None of India’s non-aligned partners provided help and few showed any sympathy. Moscow actually temporarily halted the MiG program, siding instead with its socialist friend.  In contrast, the US came through with substantial help. A considerably larger arms package of US $ 373 million was apparently worked out by November 1963 in Washington by Ambassador Chester Bowles and was to have been signed by President Kennedy on 26th of November, 1963. Kennedy said; We should defend India, and therefore